In the short tweet, Adesina denounced the government’s attempt to profile Dangote as a selfish monopolist Tortoise, as reflected in Ejeagha and Odunjo’s reworking of the Igbo and Yoruba folklores. He ultimately situated the gang-ups as an attempt to sacrifice the monstrous Elephant refinery of Aliko Dangote to governmental pettiness.
Dangote And NNPC’s Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo Dance
By Festus Adedayo
Without moving his body, African Development Bank (AfDB) President, Akinwumi Adesina, watlzed his tall frame in a dance last week. He danced to the rhythm of Gwo Gwo Gwo Ngwo of Gentleman Mike Ejeagha’s trending song track, Ka Esi Le Onye Isi Oche. A rhythmic refrain track from an album titled Akuko N’Egwu Vol. 1., Ka Esi… has a lot of similarities with A o m’erin j’oba, both taken from Igbo and Yoruba cosmologies respectively. Both are from rich traditional African folklore.
While both had Elephant and Trickster Tortoise animal totems as their major characters, these folklores teach the moral of never throwing benefactors under a moving train. Released in 1983 by Ejeagha of Imezi Owa, Ezeagu in Enugu state, Ka Esi… recalibrated an ancient Igbo folklore of trickster Tortoise who sacrificed the huge and mountainous elephant for his selfish desire to have the king’s daughter as wife. The elephant thought he was assisting a friend.
Folklorist/writer, Joseph Odunjo, like Ejeagha, brought A o m’erin j’oba into vivid perspective in his Alawiye Yoruba literature series. Using the animal world as a motif, Odunjo told the story of gross human deception and how human beings are easily susceptible to and capable of mischief. Represented as a character with power, majesty and acclaim, the mammoth-sized elephant beast was the untouchable king of the jungle whose humongous size was a huge bother to other animals in the jungle. Several efforts were made to oust his prowess, to no avail. So, a plot was hatched using his majesty as his destruction. Tortoise, a clever and serpentine animal, was procured to do the hatchet job. Tortoise resolved that, given the Elephant’s size and height, violence would not bring him to his hilt but a strategy of deception, praise-singing and bootlicking.
Tortoise then travelled to the wooded savannah jungle to see his friend, the Almighty Elephant. His message was that all animals had purposed to make him king of all animals. The Elephant was to come to the palace adorned in the full regalia of a king. Before the day, Tortoise had dug a very deep hole by the palace that could occupy Elephant’s mammoth size, decorated with a beautiful wool carpet worthy of a king’s royal feet. He completed it with an ornamented chair just at the edge of the royal carpet. Encircling the carpet, all the animals in the town clapped and hailed the new King dressed in flowery royal robes as he walked majestically towards the royal carpet. They cheered the Elephant on, shouting “A o m’erin j’oba, eweku ewele“. Fascinated by the splendour and cheer, Elephant walked majestically, acknowledging the cheers, until he fell into the ditch and unto his death.
Ostensibly marrying the morale in both Ka Esi Le Onye Isi Oche and A o m’erin j’oba, Adesina deployed them to paint a picture of a Nigerian establishment in whose veins flowed the blood of cruelty, shamelessness and greed. Either intended or stray, Adesina threw a bomb into their fold, a bomb whose shrapnel hit the innermost recess of Nigeria’s sleaze and slush petroleum sector. In a tweet on X last week, while upbraiding the apparent systemic gang-up to frustrate Aliko Dangote’s refinery by the Nigerian government, Adesina said, “Investing is tough. Pettiness is easy. It sadly sends a signal that the price for sacrificing for Nigeria is to get sacrificed.” In the short tweet, Adesina denounced the government’s attempt to profile Dangote as a selfish monopolist Tortoise, as reflected in Ejeagha and Odunjo’s reworking of the Igbo and Yoruba folklores. He ultimately situated the gang-ups as an attempt to sacrifice the monstrous Elephant refinery of Aliko Dangote to governmental pettiness.
Adesina’s cryptic quip of “sacrificing for Nigeria (and getting) sacrificed” also finds a corollary in another ancient anecdote, the killing of the proverbial hunchback, Abuke Osin. The hunchback was the favourite servant of Obatala. Among the Yoruba, Obatalá is known as the munificent and benevolent father of all Orisa – gods – and indeed, of all humanity. Obatalá is also reputed to be the owner of all ‘heads’ and minds of all human creations of Eledumare – God. While Eledumare created the entire universe, Obatala created humanity in its entirety. Everything pure without blemish emanates from Obatala because he is the source of purity and wisdom. Obatala was peaceful and compassionate
According to the anecdote as told by the renowned living archive of Yoruba traditional institution, Yemi Elebuibon, in his The Adventures of Obatala: Ifa and Santeria God of creativity, (2016) Obatala sent the hunchback on errands and impressed by his service to him, Obatala chanted some incantations which deposited precious beads, gold and other ornaments inside the carapace-like chest of the hunchback. He however chanted that anyone who made him happy and rubbed his chest would partake of the wealth deposited therein. Ojugbe, the hunchback’s neighbour, benefitted from these gifts due to his good neighbourliness. When Abuke complained of pain in the chest, Ojugbe rubbed it for him and became stupendously wealthy therefrom. Not knowing the caveat attached to Ojugbe’s wealth, Tortoise envied him. But, unable to compete with Ojugbe-kind care, one day, Tortoise lured Abuke Osin into his house and forcefully rubbed his chest. It refused to emit money. He then resolved to kill this servant of Obatala and incurred the wrath of the god.
I do not want to go into details about the Nigerian establishment’s battle with this 650,000bpd state-of-the-art refinery which erupted last week. They are in the public domain. Since 1973 when it was created, the NNPC has been a cesspit of corruption and a vehicle for haemorrhaging Nigeria’s petro-dollars. It is a haven for white-collar criminals. According to Stephen Ellis in his This Present Darkness, (2016) by the late 1970s, an illegal trade in Nigerian oil flourished like a new bride. Corrupt politicians and military big epaulettes connived with NNPC officials to funnel Nigerian oil abroad. They did this with the connivance of Greek and Lebanese traders. All manner of internal and external sharks feasted on the Nigerian crude. In the process of this feast, scant consideration was paid to the goose that laid the golden egg, the refineries of Port Harcourt, Kaduna and Warri. Today, they have become moribund, resulting in Nigeria exporting its own crude and importing petroleum products from them. The refineries are grounded due to fossilized technology, humongous corruption and a wicked ploy by petrol cabals to keep the goose perpetually castrated.
In October 2023, the Nigerian senate attempted to probe Nigeria’s expenditure on rehabilitation of the four refineries which were yet unproductive. A senator representing Kogi West, Sunday Karimi, presented a motion which revealed that “Between 2010 to date, Nigeria is estimated to have spent N11.35 trillion (N11, 349, 583, 186, 313.40) excluding other cost in other currencies which include $592, 976, 050.00, €4, 877, 068.47 and £3, 455, 656.93, on renovation of refineries, yet they are unproductive.” Karimi further said, “Despite the moribund state of the four refineries, the operating costs of these refineries between 2010 and 2020 were estimated at N4.8 trillion. The refineries are estimated to make a cumulative loss of N1.64 trillion, within four years.” Indeed, in the last 25 years, NNPC has spent something in the neighbourhood of $25 billion on TAM on these obsolete dinosaurs called refineries. The world was shocked recently when told that an NNPC subsidiary, PHRC, expended N23 billion on salaries and maintenance of a refinery that was too crude to refine even a gallon of crude. For these oil vampires who grow rotund tummies out of our ancient comatose refineries, the Dangote refinery must be stopped from functioning.
President Olusegun Obasanjo, in a revelation, said he was advised by experts that aside from their obsolete equipment and infrastructure, the refineries were mere scraps which needed to be sold. He thus sold two of the refineries’ plants in Port Harcourt and Kaduna to Blue Star, a consortium of Aliko Dangote, a man who Bloomberg assessed as worth more than $15 billion, for a whopping $670 million. Instigated by a sleaze-steeped oil cabal, labour unions and other oil rats pressurised President Umaru Yar’Adua to reverse the purchase. Dangote Cement, his financial empire’s jewel, is also one of Nigeria’s traded companies, becoming one of Nigeria Stock Exchange’s companies to reach a market capitalization of N10 trillion. Since the reversal, Nigeria has spent multiple of the amount it would have collected from selling the refineries and is still expending huge costs on sham Turn Around Maintenance and the bottomless pit of corruption in the NNPC. The corporation is alleged to be one of the most non-self-accounting conglomerates in the world with an allegation of a $32 billion haemorrhage in the Goodluck Jonathan administration’s corruption-ridden oil-for-product swap agreements.
The Dangote $20 billion refinery, the biggest in Africa and second in the world, built on 2,635 hectares of land in Ibeju-Lekki, was a protest against the Yar’Adua government’s unconscionable reversal of the sale of the two Nigerian refineries by Obasanjo. With its 650,000 barrels of crude oil refining capacity per day, it surpasses the refining capacity of 435,000 of Nigeria’s total moribund refineries. It is said to be capable of supplying almost all of Nigeria’s daily consumption needs. The downside is that it will eliminate Nigeria’s bottomless pit sleaze called subsidy and kill the roaches who have over the decades fed fat on this brand of Nigeria’s cesspit. Dangote’s almost 50,000 staff is said to be made up of over 90% Nigerians and a meagre expatriates number of 11,000. Dangote Cement is also said to have paid N200 billion in tax since 2003, paying N27 billion VAT monthly and corporate tax of N40.39 billion. FG also collects 52% tax on every N1 Dangote companies earns in profit. This is the context of Adesina’s X tweet of “pettiness is easy.”
Opposition to the Dangote refinery was initially amorphous. Platformed on the allegation of Dangote’s famed monopolistic tendency, it soon branched into an allegation that the quality of the refinery was suspect. At long last, the masquerade abandoned its costume – “ago” – to reveal Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) chief executive, Farouk Ahmed. Last week, Ahmed openly alleged that the diesel produced by the Dangote Refinery, compared to the one imported, was inferior. Ahmed also alleged that the Dangote fuel had high sulphur content, which he situated at between 650 to 1,200ppm ppm. He was most likely shell-shocked when asked where his or NNPC’s test laboratory for sulphur level resides. It was only then that Nigerians learnt that Lagos labs – Sewort, SGS and GMO perform this task for Almighty Nigerian oil colossus.
Several surreptitious, faceless persons and groups have been used to push a Mafia-like battle against the birthing of the Dangote refinery. If disrobed of their identities, it will be clear that these persons are angered by the obvious reality that the success of that humongous refinery means an end to their decades-old bazaar in the Nigerian oil industry. A couple of weeks ago, the media reported Aliko himself as confirming that the blood-baiting oil sharks had run a ring around him. He acknowledged his awareness that they could even be within his organisation.
The other leg of the accusation came in last year’s Financial Times report. It alleged that Tinubu was putting the squeeze on Dangote for not supporting him during his presidential bid. When EFCC raided his Lagos company in January, ostensibly on allegation of an investigation into the foreign exchange allocations under CBN Governor Godwin Emefiele, the thinking was that Tinubu was exerting the powers of his presidency on Aliko. It was alleged that while his business rivals, Abdul Samad Rabiu and Tony Elumelu, showered bounties on Tinubu during his presidential campaign, Dangote queued behind Atiku Abubakar. Anyone who knows how the Nigerian state runs will know that only Aso Rock authorises such high-level infiltration.
Those who are opportune to visit the Dangote refinery have labelled it one of the most awesome wonders of our world. A television anchor called it the Dangote Planet. The most depressing reality about Dangote is that, in practical terms, he is not the richest Nigerian. At a conservative estimate, he could be one of the 20 richest. The bulk of the 19 others are mostly politicians who, in our sane moment as Nigerians, we ask, in American voice, we have seen the bucks, where is the shop? They take our stolen wealth to Malta, Dubai and other countries where their billions of dollar investments are beyond prying eyes. Dangote certainly isn’t richer than Olowo Eko who, in a moment of grandstanding immodesty told a monarch during a visit to Osun state, “Kabiyesi, ee l’owo mi!” – Kabiyesi, you don’t have my kind of money! But, does anyone know Baba Olowo’s shop? We are his shop!
Let’s even accept that all the charges against Dangote are true – monopolist, feeding off closeness to successive governments, and all that – investing $20 billion in this economy, excluding his behemoth fertilizer and cement plants – is courage, valour, and patriotism. Dangote and his refinery are Nigeria’s national assets. So also are the Mike Adenugas of our world. We must protect them from the Shylocks, Saurons, Lord Voldemorts, the Ikoko aje’ran je’gungun – foxes that devour human flesh and bones – and the Komodo dragons of this world who want to swallow our economic saviours.
Hardship protest: Tinubu, “bi iwo ba se rere…”
All of a sudden, President Bola Tinubu is running from pillar to post. The febrile fear with which his presidency tries to stave off the proposed August 1 hardship protest is baffling. It seems to remind one of the biblical verse in Genesis 4:7 which says, “If thou doest well, shalt thou not be accepted?” This English interpretation does not convey the message’s total interpretative capturing as its Yoruba version rendition. That particular scriptural verse is interpreted in Yoruba as “Bi iwo ba se rere, ara ki yio ha ya o?” It was God speaking to Cain, Adam and Eve’s firstborn, who was enraged because he reaped what he sowed. Cain leapt into a fury because God rejected his paltry offering and accepted his brother, Abel who was God-respecting. Rather than see this rejection as his own doing and take a redemptive detour, Cain took a callous step further. He murdered his younger brother.
Recounting Nigerians’ groaning lot in the last 14 months here will be an overkill. The man they hyped as coming from a pedigree of dancers whose eclectic dancing feet attracted donations of slaves now dances and is barely gifted a wrap of corn meal. Rather, his feeble dance steps attract curses and boos. A pre-dancing cheering audience now jeers as its stomach hisses and rumbles. To say Nigeria tastes as bitter as Jogbo leaf would be an understatement. Our country is Jogbo leaf itself. Wherever you turn, it is bitterness. And this is under the grip of a man who was said to be King Midas whose touch turned everything to gold.
Nigerians’ unusual resilience makes the world agape with incredulity. They are a people who could weather the storm, no matter the turbulence. Fela Anikulapo-Kuti couldn’t understand such orthodoxy of suffering which he called cowardice. “My people sef dem fear too much… My Pa dey for house…I nor wan die…” he dramatises our pacifist spirit. Rotimi Amaechi said something worse recently about Nigerians. In a viral video which appeared to be a lecture on Nigerians’ famed pacifism, he said even if you kill a Nigerian’s father and mother, they would move on and say it was God’s wish for them. What many do not know is that Nigerians detest their leaders taking them for granted. Wily General Ibrahim Babangida knew only of the first sheaf about Nigerians’ resilient spirit. He didn’t however know about the other sheaf – the people’s tendency for rebellion. The truth is that, when Nigerians flip the other side of the cudgel, they are difficult to tame. By the time Nigerians made up their minds about IBB, they dropped his heap by the dumpsite of history.
Revisionists say that the key to Nigerians’ docile tendencies can be found in their history. What they call a history devoid of bloodshed. They juxtapose Nigeria with Kenya. In the latter, the Mau Mau rebellion in the British Kenya Colony between the Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA), also known as the Mau Mau, and the British authorities lasted for a good eight years. So they submit that whilst rebellion against oppressors was a Kenyan DNA, pampering oppressors were Nigerian’s. Which is not true. Our forefathers fought, and shed blood for the freedom we have now. Collective fights against white aggressors may be rare but we had the Ovonramwen Nogbaisis. Ovonramwen was the Ọba of the Benin Kingdom who fought British usurpation. He attacked British Deputy Commissioner and Consul for the Niger Coast Protectorate, James Robert Phillips, killing him and virtually all of his entourage. A punitive expedition against the Benin kingdom resulted in its razing in 1897 and the looting of its bronzes.
Nigerians do not expect their leaders to be magicians, apologies to Madam RAT. They even know that the taciturn Mallam from Daura inflicted his Janus persona on the economy so fatally that the wound would take a long to heal. But Nigerians detest governmental deceit, incompetence and hypocrisy advertised as leadership. In the last 14 months, this has been the broth served Nigerians a la carte. To worsen matters, our leadership has carried on with an I-don’t-care attitude which Yoruba describe as a “let the angry torrents of rainfall pierce into shreds the helpless cocoyam leaves if it can — òjò pa ewé kókò, b’ó le ya, k’ó ya”.
So when this same leadership runs from Ankara to Kutuwenji in its bid to stop Nigerians from letting the whole world know of their plight, the apt response to it is the same that God gave to stubborn Cain, “Bì ìwo bá se rere, ara kì yíò ha yá o?” In the last couple of weeks, the government has been funnelling scarce resources into bribing cash-tivists who call themselves activists not to come out and demonstrate on August 1. Students’ union leaders have received theirs. Journalists have. The Three Gbosas people have. Traditional rulers across Nigeria, too have visited an Aso Rock which changes people into unfeeling mummies.
So many reasons have been proffered for why Nigerians must not protest their deplorable plights. One is that criminals could hijack the people’s constitutional right to protest. So, why spend people’s money to pay policemen if they cannot be funnelled out in their thousands to protect protesters on their constitutionally mandated responsibility to an absent government? The second reason from the government on why Nigerians should dress their punches in velvet gloves is that the government is finding a way around the hunger in the land. One is reminded of someone who is spending 20 years to practice madness. They even say that since the protest has no identifiable leadership, it could be uncontrollable like scattered pellets of a dane-gun bullet. The police also came out to Afghanistanize the protest by claiming that intel told them foreign mercenaries were part of the ploy. Since they know anything security is opaque, it is quite easy for them to befuddle the people with such scary lies. This is the same police which no calamity has ever befallen Nigeria that they forewarned Nigerians about. But, shouldn’t Nigerians let the world know about their plights?
Let me mimic judges at the temple of justice: Considering all the evidence before me, Nigerians must protest on August 1. Nigerians need to retrieve their country from the hands of leaders who don’t care about their plights. Not violently. Violence under-develops a people. Do you think, if he ever survives his ongoing ordeal, William Ruto, in his own words, “the village boy (who) has become the president of Kenya,” will ever take Kenyans for granted? Let the man whose ambition it has always been to live in Aso Rock be made to commit to making Nigerians live a meaningful life.
Gbolagunte: Good night, great jurist
On Friday, I listened to one of the most impactful sermons ever at the New Reservation Baptist Church, Iyaganku, Ibadan, Oyo state. It was devoid of the depressing low of “style-style fundraising” and motivational prosperity sermons that Pentecostalism has sunk into in Nigeria. Church Pastor, Dr. Kayode Oyedemi, taught about how death was man’s companion which should be loved and not hated. He brought the reality of death into our lives so vividly that I doubt if anyone who attended that service would unnecessarily reify life, going forward. It was at the burial of My Lord Justice Adegboye Ayinla Gbolagunte, son of Oyo State Second Republic House of Assembly Speaker under Governor Bola Ige, Jagunmolu of Eruwa, University of Ibadan pioneer student and lawyer, Mokolade Davidson Gbolagunte. Justice Gbolagunte was aged 64.
My path and that of Justice Gbolagunte crossed in 2019 during my court externship. The Nigerian Law School had attached me and other colleagues to his chambers at the Oyo State High Court. There, I saw him in his true self. After each sitting, Gbolagunte would call us into his inner chambers and the teacher in him took over. He would lecture us on the judicial background of his pronouncements.
Our friendship began from there. It was later I realised that he saw my quest to combine journalism with law in himself. He had gained admission to study History at the University of Lagos in 1978 but later ported to Mass Communication. At the funeral, I met one of his friends, the highly respected journalist, Kayode Samuel. Gbolagunte later studied law at the University of Ibadan from 1983 to 1986.
Before Law, Gbolagunte was a lecturer of Journalism in different institutions. He particularly taught News Writing, Editing, Press Law, Marketing and Insurance Law at The Polytechnic, Ibadan and the Nigerian Institute of Journalism, Ogba, Lagos. He was also a prolific writer. From his holiday job at the then NTV Ibadan in 1980 where he began his reportorial job, he spent time with the Imo State newspaper, Nigerian Statesman, during his NYSC. While on the editorial board of the Times newspaper, Gbolagunte covered the famed visit of Nelson Mandela to Nigeria in 1991.
When he later learnt of my passion for Apala maestro, Ayinla Omowura, he told me he passionately retained his middle name, “Ayinla” because of the profound manner Ayinla’s music arrests him. He called to request a copy of my biographical portraiture of the musician upon its publication. I honoured the request by couriering an autographed copy to him through the first President of the Oyo State Customary Court of Appeal, My Lord Justice Adegboyega Akinteye (rtd) which he acknowledged.
While still interning in his chambers, Justice Gbolagunte proposed that we both collaborate on a biography to mark his 60th. I guess the ailment which took him killed that dream as well.
If commendable testimonials could wake Gbolagunte, last week, the jurist would leave the morgue and go embrace his wife, Wuraola. If corroborations of his unusual integrity, humility, service to God and humanity were the passport to heaven, he would be by the feet of his Creator now. A valiant and courageous judge, Gbolagunte fought judicial powers and principalities who he considered to be thieves in judges’ robes. When he received a medical judgment that his death was afoot, Gbolagunte took time to arrange his home and proceedings of the funeral. He paid for his casket, the vault where he would be buried and in the words of one of his sons at last week’s wake service, “he arranged every part of this burial service, who to meet, talk to” and how he should be buried.
Good night, great brother, Great Akokite, Great UIte.
Festus Adedayo is an Ibadan based journalist.
